Sunday, January 26, 2020

A Report About Bloods Vs Crips

A Report About Bloods Vs Crips My exam paper is about one of the biggest gang wars in the whole world: The Bloods versus The Crips. The reason I have chosen this subject is because not so many people are aware of whats going on between those two gangs. There are more gangs who are sometimes involved in this war, such as MS-13 (Florence 13) and the KKK (Ku Klux Klan), but the arguments with these groups arent half as worse as the war between the Bloods and the Crips. The MS 13 is a Mexican gang. They are the one of the most dangerous gangs in the whole world, sais the FBI. They mostly operate in Mexico, but also in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and in Nicaragua. In the US they operate in states as Texas and California. The Ku Klux Klan is a group of people who are very racial against outsiders. They mostly hate black people (à   Bloods and Cribs), because they werent happy about the decision back in the days that all black people were free. But the do not only hate black people, they also hate other people with a color, people who are anti-catholic and Jews. Sometimes these people get killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan. But as I was saying, the conflicts with these groups arent half as bas as the conflicts between the Bloods and the Cribs. Everyday people die because of these conflicts. Also everyday more and more people become members of these groups. The two groups operate especially in the West coast and in the South coast, mostly in Los Angeles and Compton. First Im going to give you some information about The Crips, than Im going to give you some information about The Bloods. The Crips TheCrips(Community Revolution In Progress) are a primarily, but not exclusively,African Americangang. They were founded inLos Angeles, Californiain 1971 by Raymond WashingtonandStanley Williams. File:Stanley Tookie Williams mugshot.jpgStanley Tookie Williams met Raymond Lee Washington in 1969, and the two decided to unite their local gang members from the west and east sides ofSouth Central Los Angelesin order to battle neighboring street gangs. Most of the members were very young.Some of them werent even 18 years old yet. The most of them were African American, but there were also Mexican people who joined there group. Stanley Tookie Williams(December 29, 1953 December 13, 2005) was born inNew Orleans,Louisiana andwas one of the two leaders of the Crips. In 1979 he was condemned of four murders that he committed during robberies and he went to prison for the rest of his life. In jail, he write many books about his live and other things, like books including anti-gang and violence literature. Tookie Williams was asked to help the police with the investigation to get the criminals of his gang, but he refused to help and was involved with many attacks on guards, tried to escape a couple, but there wasnt any evidence that he planned this. In 1993, Williams began making changes in his behavior, and became an anti-gang activist while onDeath Row inCalifornia. He renounced his gang affiliation and apologized for his role in founding the Crips. He also co-wrote childrens books and participated in efforts intended to prevent youths from joining gangs.[1]A biographical TV-movie entitledRedemption: The Stan Tookie Williams Storywas made in 2004, and featuredJamie Foxxas Williams. On December 13, 2005, Williams was executed bylethal injectionafterclemencyand a four-week stay of execution were both rejected byGovernorArnold Schwarzenegger, amidst debate over thedeath penaltyand whether Williams anti-gang advocacy in prison represented genuine atonement. Williams was the second inmate in California to be executed in 2005. The original name for the alliance was Cribs, a name that was chosen from a list with many options and chosen unanimously from three final choices, which included the Black Overlords, and the Assassins. Cribs was chosen to reflect the young age of the majority of the gang members. The name Cribs turned into the name Crips when gang members began carrying around canes to display their pimp status. People in the neighborhood then began calling them cripples, or Crips for short.ALos Angeles Sentinelarticle in February 1972 referred to some members as Crips (for cripples).[1]The name had no political, organizational, cryptic, oracronymicmeaning. Williams, in his memoir, further discounted claims that the group was a spin-off of theBlack Panther Partyor formed for a community agenda, the name depicted a fighting alliance against street gangs—nothing more, nothing less, Williams wrote.[9]Washington, who attended Fremont High School, was the leader of the East Side Crips, and William s, who attended Washington High School, led the West Side Crips. Williams recalled that a blue bandanna was first worn by Crips founding member Buddha, as a part of his color-coordinated clothing of blue Levis, a blue shirt, and dark blue suspenders. A blue bandanna was worn in memorium to Buddha after he was shot and killed on February 23, 1973, which eventually became the color of blue associated with Crips.[9] The Crips became popular throughout southernLos Angelesas more youth gangs joined; at one point they outnumbered non-Crip gangs by 3 to 1, sparking disputes with non-Crip gangs, including the L.A. Brims, Athens Park Boys, the Bishops, The Drill Company, and the Denver Lanes. By 1971 the gangs notoriety had spread across Los Angeles. Initially Crips leaders did not occupy leadership positions, but were recognized as leaders because of their personal charisma and influence. These leaders gave priority to expanding the gangs membership to increase its power. By 1978, there were 45 Crips gangs, called sets, operating inLos Angeles. The gang became increasingly violent as they attempted to expand their turf. By the early 1980s the gang was heavily involved with drug trade.[15]Some of these Crips sets began to produce and distributePCP(phencyclidine) within the city. They also began to distributemarijuanaandamphetaminein Los Angeles. In the early 1980s Crips sets began distributing crack cocaine in Los Angeles. The huge profits resulting fromcrack cocainedistribution induced many Crips members to establish new markets in other cities and states. In addition, many young men in other states adopted the Crips name and lifestyle. As a result of these two factors, Crips membership increased throughout the 1980s, making it one of the largest street gang associations in the country.[1]In 1999, there were at least 600 Crips sets with more than 30,000 members transporting drugs in theUnited States.[1] The Crips are one of the largest and most violent associations of street gangs in the United States of America. Crips has over 800 sets with 30,000 to 35,000 members and associate members, including more than 13,000 members in Los Angeles. The states with the highest estimated number of Crips sets areCalifornia,Missouri,OklahomaandTexas. Membership typically consists of young African American men, with members beingwhite,HispanicandAsian The gang is known to be involved inmurders, robberies, anddrugdealing, among many othercriminalpursuits. The gang is known for its gang members use of the colorbluein their clothing. The Crips are publicly known to have an intense and bitter rivalry with theBloodsand other little feuds with othergangs.Crips have been documented in theU.S. military, found in bases in the United States and abroad. There is a movie about the creator of the Crips, Stanley ‘Tookie Williams The Bloods The Bloods gang was formed initially to compete against the influence of theCripsinLos Angeles.[5]The origin of the Bloods and their rivalry with the Crips dates to the 1970s, where thePirusstreet gang, originally a set, or faction, of the Crips,[6][7]broke off during an internal gang war, and allied with other smaller gangs to found the gang that would eventually become known as the Bloods.[5]At the time, Crips sets outnumbered Bloods sets by three to one. To assert their power despite this difference in numbers, Bloods sets became increasingly violent, especially against rival Crips members.[1]The Pirus are therefore considered to be the original founders of the Bloods.[5]During the rise ofcrack cocaine, the gangs focus shifted to drug production. Bloods sets operate independently of each other, and are currently located in almost all States.[5]Blood sets on the East Coast are often seen as affiliated with theUnited Blood Nation, a gang which originated inRikers Island.[5] The United Blood Nation, simply called the Bloods, formed in 1993, within the New York City jail system on Rikers Islands GMDC (George Mochen Detention Center), sometimes called C 73. GMDC was used to segregate problem inmates from the rest of the detention center. Prior to this time period, the Latin Kings were the most prevalent and organized gang in the NYC jail system. TheLatin Kings, with mostlyHispanicmembers, were targeting African American inmates with violence. These African American inmates, organized by some of the more violent and charismatic inmates, formed a protection group which they called the United Blood Nation. This United Blood Nation, which was actually a prison gang, was emulating the Bloods street gangs in Los Angeles, California. Several of the leaders of this recently created prison gang formed eight original Blood sets to recruit in their neighborhoods across New York City.[8] By 1996, thousands of members of the Blood street gang were establishing themselves as a formidable force among gangs and continued a steady drive for recruitment. At this time, the Bloods were more violent than other gangs but much less organized. Numerous slashings (razor blade or knife attacks) were reported during robberies and discovered to be initiations into the Bloods. This Blood in ritual became the trademark for the Bloods. Bloods recruited throughout the East Coast.[9] Membership Bloods refers to a loosely structured association of smaller street gangs, known as â€Å"sets,† which has adopted a common gang culture. Each set has its own leader and generally operates independently from the others. Most Bloods members are African American males, although some sets have recruited female members as well as members from other races and ethnic backgrounds. Members range in age from early teens to mid-twenties, however some hold leadership positions into their late twenties and occasionally thirties. There is no known national leader of the Bloods but individual Bloods sets have a hierarchical leadership structure with identifiable levels of membership. These levels of membership indicate status within a gang. A leader, typically an older member with a more extensive criminal background, runs each set. A set leader is not elected but rather asserts himself by developing and managing the gangs criminal enterprises through his reputation for violence and ruthlessness and through his personal charisma. The majority of set members are called â€Å"Soldiers,† who are typically between the ages of 16 and 22. Soldiers have a strong sense of commitment to their set and are extremely dangerous because of their willingness to use violence both to obtain the respect of gang members and to respond to any person who â€Å"disrespects† the set. â€Å"Associates† are not full members, but they identify with the gang and take part in various criminal activities. To the exten t that women belong to the gang, they are usually associate members and tend to be used by their male counterparts to carry weapons, hold drugs, or prostitute themselves to make money for their set. Recruitment is often influenced by a recruitees environment. Bloods recruit heavily among school-age youth in predominantly poor African American communities. Gang membership offers youth a sense of belonging and protection. It also offers immediate gratification to economically disadvantaged youth who view the trappings of gang life: gold jewelry, cash, expensive sports clothing.[1] Identification The Gang symbol of theBloods, as the sign reads the word blood Bloods members identify themselves through various gang indicators such as colors, clothing, symbols, tattoos, jewelry, graffiti, language, and hand signs. The Bloods gang color is red. They like to wear sports clothing, including team â€Å"Starter† jackets that show their gang color. Some of their favorite teams include the San Francisco Forty Niners, the Philadelphia Phillies, and the Chicago Bulls. They are also known to wear Dallas Cowboys clothing, whose logo contains a five-pointed star. The most commonly used Bloods symbols include the number â€Å"5,† the five pointed star, and the five pointed crown. These symbols are meant to show the Bloods affiliation with the People Nation, a large coalition of affiliates created to protect alliance members within the federal and state prison systems. These symbols may be seen in the tattoos, jewelry, and clothing that gang members wear as well as in gang graffiti, which is used by the Bloods to mark their territory. Many graffiti include gang name, nicknames, declaration of loyalty, threats against rival gangs, or a description of criminal acts in which the gang has been involved. Bloods graffiti might also include the word â€Å"Piru† which refers to the fact that the first known Bloods gang was formed by individuals from Piru Street inCompton, California. Finally, Bloods graffiti might include rival gang symbols (particularly those of the Crips) that are drawn upside down. This is meant as an insult to the rival group and its symbols. Bloods members also have a unique slang. Bloods greet each other using the word â€Å"Blood† and often avoid using words with the letter â€Å"C.† Finally, Bloods use hand signs to communicate with one another. Hand signs may be a singular movement, like the American Sign Language letter â€Å"B,† or a series of movements using one or both hands for more complex phrases. United Blood Nation (UBN) or East Coast Bloods initiates often receive a dog-paw mark, represented by three dots often burned with a cigarette, on their right shoulder. Other UBN symbols include a bulldog and a bull.[1] Alliances and rivals Bloods consider themselves allies with members of thePeople Nationand rivals of all gangs associated with the Folk Nation gang alliance. These alliances were established in the 1980s to protect alliance members within the federal and state prison systems. The People Nation alliance includes Black Peace Stones, Cobra Stones, Insane Popes, Gaylords, Future Stones, Insane Unknown, King Cobras, Latin Counts, Latin Dragons,Latin Kings, Latin Pachucos, Latin Saints, Spanish Lords, and Vice Lord Nation. TheFolk Nationalliance members (and thus, Bloods rivals) include the Bloods biggest rival, theCrips, as well as many other gangs, including theGangster Disciples, the Black Disciples, and the Black Gangsters. In some instances, Bloods and UBN sets will associate with traditional rival gangs, such as the Crips or the Latin Kings, when such associations benefit the criminal enterprises of both gangs.[1] In Los Angeles and other urban areas in the United States, the formation of street gangs increased at an alarming pace throughout the 1980s and 1990s.The Bloods and the Crips, the most well-known gangs of Los Angeles, are predominately African American[1]and they have steadily increased in number since their beginnings in 1969.In addition, there areapproximately600 Hispanic gangs in Los Angeles County with a growing Asian gang population numbering approximately 20,000 members. Surprisingly, little has been written about the historical background of black gangs in Los Angeles (LA).Literature and firsthand interviews with Los Angeles residents seem to point to three significant periods relevant to the development of the contemporary black gangs.The first period, which followed WWII and significant black migrations from the South, is when the first major black clubs formed.After the Watts rebellion of 1965, the second period gave way to the civil rights period of Los Angeles where blacks, including those who where former club members who became politically active for the remainder of the 1960s.By the early 1970s black street gangs began to reemerge.By 1972, the Crips were firmly established and the Bloods were beginning to organize.This period saw the rise of LAs newest gangs, which continued to grow during the 1970s, and later formed in several other cities throughout the United States by the 1990s.While black gangs do not make up the largest or most active gang population in Los Angeles today, their influence on street gang culture nationally has been profound. In order to better understand the rise of these groups, I went into the original neighborhoods to document the history which led to these groups.There are 88 incorporated cities and dozens of other unincorporated places in Los Angeles County (LAC). In the process of conducting this research, I visited all of these places in an attempt to not just identify gangs active in Los Angeles, but to determine their territories. Through several weeks of field work and research conducted in 1996, I identified 274 black gangs in 17 cities and four unincorporated areas in LAC. Post WWIIto 1965 The first major period of black gangs in Los Angeles began in the late 1940s and ended in 1965.There were black gangs in Los Angeles prior to this period, but they were small in numbers; little is known about the activity of these groups.Some of the black groups that existed in Los Angeles in the late 1920s and 1930s werethe Boozies, Goodlows, Blogettes, Kelleys, and theDriver Brothers.Most of these groups were family oriented, and they referred to themselves as clubs.[2]Max Bond (1936:270) wrote briefly about a black gang of 15-year-old kids from the Central Avenue area that mostly stole automobile accessories and bicycles.It was not until the late 1940s that the first major black clubs surfaced on the East side[3]of Los Angeles near Jefferson High School in the Central Avenue area.This was the original settlement area of blacks in Los Angeles.South of 92ndStreet in Watts and in the Jefferson Park/West Adams area on the West side, there were significant black populations.By 1960 sev eral black clubs were operating on the West side[4]of Los Angeles, an area that had previously restricted black residents during the 1940s. Several of the first black clubs to emerge in the late 1940s and early 1950s formed initially as a defensive reaction to combat much of the white violence that had been plaguing the black community for several years.In the surrounding communities of the original black ghetto of Central Avenue and Watts, and in the cities of Huntington Park and South Gate, white Angelenos were developing a dissatisfaction for the growing black population that was migrating from the South during WWII.During the 1940s, resentment from the white community grew as several blacks challenged the legal housing discrimination laws that prevented them from purchasing property outside the original settlement neighborhoods and integrate into the public schools.Areas outside of the original black settlement of Los Angeles were neighborhoods covered by legally enforced, racially restrictive covenants or deed restrictions.This practice, adapted by white homeowners, was established in 1922 and was designed to mainta in social and racial homogeneity of neighborhoods by denying non-whites access to property ownership. By the 1940s, such exclusionary practices made much of Los Angeles off-limits to most minorities (Bond 1936; Davis 1990:161,273; Dymski and Veitch 1996:40).This process contributed to increasing homogeneity of communities in Los Angeles, further exacerbating racial conflict between whites and blacks, as the latter existed in mostly segregated communities.From 1940 to 1944, there was over a 100 percent increase in the black population of Los Angeles, and ethnic and racial paranoia began to develop among white residents. Chronic overcrowding was taking a toll, and housing congestion became a serious problem, as blacks were forced to live in substandard housing (Collins 1980:26).From 1945-1948, black residents continually challenged restrictive covenants in several court cases in an effort to move out of the dense,overcrowdedblackcommunity.Theseattemptsresultedinviolentclashes between whites and blacks (Collins 1980:30).The Ku Klux Klan resurfaced during the 1940s, 20 years after their presence faded during the late 1920s (Adler 1977; Collins 1980), and white youths were forming street clubs to battle integration of the community and schools of black residents. In Huntington Park, Bell, and South Gate, towns that were predominately white, teenagers formed some of the early street clubs during the 1940s. One of the most infamous clubs of that time was theSpook Hunters, a group of white teenagers that often attacked black youths. If blacks were seen outside of the black settlement area, which was roughly bounded by Slauson to the South, Alameda Avenue to the east, and Main[5]Street to the west, they were often attacked. The name of this club emphasized their racist attitude towards blacks, as â€Å"Spook† is a derogatory term used to identify blacks and â€Å"Hunters† highlighted their desire to attack blacks as their method of fighting integration and promoting residential segregation. Their animosity towards blacks was publicly known; the back of their club jackets displayed an animated black face with exaggerated facial features and a noose hanging around the neck. TheSpookHunterswould often cross Alameda traveling west to vi olently attack black youths from the area.In Thrashers study of Chicago gangs, he observed a similar white gang in Chicago during the 1920s, theDirty Dozens,who often attacked black youths with knives, blackjacks, and revolvers because of racial differences (Thrasher 1963:37).Raymond Wright was one of the founders of a black club called theBusinessmen,a large East side club based at South Park between Slauson Avenue and Vernon Avenue.He stated that â€Å"you couldnt pass Alameda, because those white boys in South Gate would set you on fire,†[6]and fear of attack among black youths was not, surprisingly, common. In 1941, white students at Fremont High School threatened blacks by burning them in effigy and displaying posters saying, â€Å"we want no niggers at this school† (Bunch 1990: 118).There were racial confrontations at Manual Arts High School on Vermont and 42ndStreet, and at Adams High School during the 1940s (Davis 1990:293).In 1943, conflicts between blacks and whites occurred at 5thand San Pedro Streets, resulting in a riot on Central Avenue (Bunch 1990:118).white clubs in Inglewood, Gardena, and on the West side engaged in similar acts, but theSpook Hunterswere the most violent of all white clubs in Los Angeles. The black youths in Aliso Village, a housing project in East Los Angeles, started a club called theDevil Huntersin response to theSpook Huntersand other white clubs that were engaging in violent confrontations with blacks.The term Devil reflected how blacks viewed racist whites and Ku Klux Klan members.TheDevil Huntersand other black residents fought back against white violence with their own form of violence.In 1944, nearly 100 frustrated black youths, who were denied jobs on the citys streetcar system, attacked a passing streetcar and assaulted several white passengers (Collins 1980: 29).During the late 1940s and early 1950s, other neighborhood clubs emerged to fight the white establishment.Members of theBusinessmenand other black clubs had several encounters with theSpook Huntersand other white clubs of the time. In Watts, several of the clubs were organized geographically by the housing projects in the area.The projects were built for war workers in the 1940s and were intended to be interracial.The first public housing project of Watts was the Hacienda Village: single-story units, built in 1942.In May 1944, the Imperial Courts (498 units) was built, and in September, Jordan Downs (700 units) was completed.In 1955, the most massive of all public housing projects was completed and named the Nickerson Gardens (1,100 units) (Bullock 1969:14-15).By the end of the 1950s, over one-third of the population of Watts lived in public housing (Bullock 1969:16). Clubs like theHunsand theFarmerswere active in the Watts housing projects. Several of these groups fought against the established white clubs for several years.As black clubs began to negotiate strategies to combat white intimidation and violence, the effectiveness of whites to fight against integration and residential segregation began to fail. Eventually white flight occurred, as white residents began to move into the growing suburban areas that flourished in the 1950s, leaving the city areas of South Los Angeles behind. This left the central city of Los Angeles as a primarily black enclave, with blacks accounting for 71 percent of the inner-city population (Brunn et al. 1993: 53). By 1960, the three separate communities of Watts, Central Ave, and West Adams had amalgamated into one continuous black settlement area where low, middle, and upper class black neighborhoods were adjoined into a single community. During the 1960s, conflicts among the black clubs were growing and, as more white residents continued to move and the white clubs began to fade, the black clubs moved from interracial violence to intraracial violence.TheGladiators, based at 54thStreet and Vermont Avenue, were the largest black club on the West side, and clashes between other black gangs were increasing as intra-racial violence between black club members was on the rise. By 1960 several clubs emerged onthe West side and rivalrybetween East side and West side clubs developed, along with infighting among clubs organized on the same side of town (Figure 4.1).TheBusinessmen(an East side club)hadarivalrywithboththeSlausons(an East side club) and the Gladiators (a West side club).Even though more than 50 percent of the gangs active in Los Angeles were Hispanic, black gangs represented a significant proportion of gang incidents that were rapidly increasing in numbers (Study of Delinquent Gangs1962: 1).During this time, dispu tes among these were handled by hand-to-hand combat and by the use of weapons, such as tire irons and knives, but murders were rare.In 1960, the six gang-related murders that occurred in Los Angeles were considered an extremely high number.At that point, black-on-black violence between the clubs was becoming a serious concern in Los Angeles.On the surface, the rivalry between East side and West side clubs was associated with altercations on the football field, disputes over girlfriends, and disagreements at parties, but most of their clashes were rooted in socioeconomic differences between the two.East side youths resented the upwardly mobile West side youths, because East side residents were viewed as economically inferior to those residents who lived on the West side.On the other hand, West side youths were considered less intimidating and lacking the skills to be street savvy and tough.In an effort to prove themselves equally tough, West side youths engaged in several confrontati ons with East side youths during the early 1960s. Several of these clubs fought against each other during this period, but in 1965 after the Watts Rebellion and under the leadership of several socially conscious organizations, most of the rivalry was eradicated. Young black youths moved towards being more politically aware and having greater concern for the social problems that plagued their community. Alprentice â€Å"Bunchy† Carter, a member of theSlausons, was successful in transforming several black youths of South Los Angeles into revolutionary soldiers against police brutality (Hilliard Cole 1993:218), and several other organizations were also contributing to the change. The Watts Riots of 1965 were considered â€Å"the Last Great Rumble,† as members of these groups dismissed old rivalries and supported each other against the despised Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) (Baker 1988:28; Davis 1990: 297). Paul Bullock wrote that a result of the riot activity in Watts was a movement to build organizations and inst itutions which were led by and entirely responsible to the [black] community (1969:69). Social-Political Period, 1965-1970 In the aftermath of the rebellion, young people, namely former club members from the community, began to build political institutions to contest social injustices, specifically police brutality, which sparked the 1965 Watts Riots.Following the Watts Riots, and throughout the rest of the 1960s, black groups were organizing and becoming politically radical. For nearly five years, beginning in 1965, there were almost no active black street gangs in Los Angeles. Several reports that black gang activity was on the decline began to circulate (Klein 1971: 22).According to Sergeant Warren Johnson, â€Å"during the mid and late 1960s, juvenile gang activity in black neighborhoods was scarcely visible to the public at large and of minimal concern to south-central residents† (Cohen 1972).It was the formation of these new movements that offered black youths a vehicle of positive identification and self-affirmation that occupied the time and energies that might have been spent in gang activity.A sense of cohesiveness began to form, along with self-worth and positive identification, as pride pervaded the black community (Los Angeles Times3/19/72). After the Rebellion in 1965, club members began to organize neighborhood political groups to monitor the LAPD and to document their treatment towards blacks. Ron Wilkins (ex-member of theSlausons), created theCommunity Action Patrol (CAP)to monitor police abuses (Davis 1990:297), and William Sampson (ex-member of theSlausons), along with Gerald Aubry (ex-member of theOrientals), started theSons of Watts,whose key function was to â€Å"police the police† (Obtola 1972:7). TheBstarted a chapter in Los Angeles shortly after Huey Newton, and Bobby Seale started the Party in Oakland, California, in 1966. The BPP in Los Angeles also organized both theblackon several high schools campuses in Los Angeles and theblack, a meeting place for black residents concerning community issues on Florence and Broadway in 1967. Ron Maulana Karenga organized a nationalistic group calledUS Organization,and Tommy Jacquette organized theSelf Leadership for All Nationalities Today (SLANT)in October of 19 66 (Bullock 1969:67; Tyler 1982: 222). After splitting away from the US Organization, Hakim Jamal started theMalcolm X Foundationin 1968, and Robaire Nyjuky founded theMarxist Leninist Maoist (MLM)which had an office on 78thStreet and San Pedro (Tyler 1983:237).Student Non-ViolentCoordinating Committee (SNCC), a national organization of black nationalists visited Los Angeles and opened an office on Central Avenue in 1967. Also during this period, Ron Karenga createdKwanza,a non-religious holiday that celebrates African heritage. All these groups were formed in the wake of the 1965 rebellion to provide political support to the civil rights movement that was gaining strength within the black community of Los Angeles.There were several other black nationalist groups in Los Angeles, but the Panthers and US Organization were considered to have the largest following and the most political influence in the black community of Los Angeles following the Watts Rebellion. The BPP heavily recruited members from theSlausons, an East side club, while the US Organization had a large a following from the West side clubs, including theGladiators,but members of both political groups came from a variety of different clubs from all over Los Angeles._____________Carter was elected president of the Los Angeles Chapter of the black Panther Party (BPP), whose

Friday, January 17, 2020

Are Curfews Fair to Juveniles Essay

Cities across the United States have imposed curfews on juveniles for many years. Teen curfew laws restrict the hours that juveniles may be on the streets or in public places at night (Sutphen and Ford). Some people consider curfews infringing on people’s constitutional rights. Curfews are hard to implement by law enforcement, and, in fact, take law enforcement away from more serious crimes. More crimes occur during daytime hours and more children are victimized in their homes than on the streets. Although curfews are made to protect our juveniles and to deter crime by juveniles, does imposing these curfews violate the juvenile’s civil rights and target the true underlying problems involved in enforcing these issues? People have a right to personal freedoms, including juveniles, but curfews take away some personal freedoms of juveniles. A 16-year-old en route to a fast-food restaurant is stopped and questioned five times, by five different police officers (Davidson). Even though this teen had no intension of any mischief, he or she was stopped five times. When a juvenile transitions from a child to an adult they are required to take on more responsibilities, curfews limit them as they make the transition into adulthood. This hinders the juvenile from making adult decisions. Youth curfews use the idea of childhood based on innocence/ignorance, passivity and dependence, in order to prevent young people from crossing the boundary into adulthood before society deems them ready (O’Neil). Most parents want the freedom to choose how to raise their children and what values they want to instill in their children. If the state leaves guidance in the hands of the parents, they can monitor their child’s development and gradually increase her liberty and responsibility by allowing her to experience new situations and to make choices as she develops into an adult (Assessing the Scope if Minors’ Fundamental Rights: Juvenile Curfews and the Constitution). Curfews stifle the personal freedoms of juveniles. The enforcement of curfews presents even more reasons to abolish curfews. It is hard for law enforcement to enforce curfews and curfew violations are not taken seriously. Juvenile curfews will not stop young people who are intent on committing crime, in part, because the penalties for a curfew violation are not that serious (O’Neil). There are also limited police officers to help with the enforcement of curfews. Because of the curfews, it takes the police away from more serious crime that are happening in cities across the United States. The enforcement of juvenile curfews is hard to put into effect, and there are limited police officers to enforce these curfews, which are often not even taken seriously. Crimes by juveniles occur more often during the day than at night. When either both parents work, or there is a single parent household, juveniles must come home from school alone. Since juveniles are left unsupervised, they sometimes commit crimes and these crimes usually occur during the day. Those opposed to curfews replied that most juvenile crimes occurred in daylight hours, that most children were not criminals, and that many legitimate nocturnal activities were being suppressed (Juvenile Curfews and the Major Confusion Over Minor Rights). Since most juvenile crimes occur during the day, why should a curfew be imposed on juveniles? One of the main reasons juvenile curfews were imposed, was to protect the juveniles from the dangers that could occur during the late hours of the night. Although many feel curfews protect juveniles from these dangers, many times that is not the case. Many juveniles are victimized in their own homes. Critics argue that because many juvenile crimes occur during the day and most juvenile victimization occurs at home, nighttime curfews fail to target the worst problems (Juvenile Curfews and the Major Confusion Over Minor Rights). Although juvenile curfews were put in place to protect children, the streets are not always the places where children are victimized. Most large cities in the United States impose juvenile curfews. Juveniles have rights to the personal freedoms their parents allow and the government needs to let the parents raise their children without interference. Because most juvenile crimes are committed during the day, and since curfews restrict night time activities, we should abolish these curfews. Curfews also take law enforcement officers away from more serious crimes. Curfews were made to protect juveniles and to deter juvenile crime, but since most juveniles are victimized at home and most juvenile crimes are committed during the day, curfews are ineffective and should be abolished.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

Healthy Minds Student Diet and Health Concerns - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 15 Words: 4474 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Marketing Essay Type Case study Level High school Did you like this example? Healthy Minds: Student Diet and Health Concerns Introduction The obesity epidemic observed in the UK and other Western nations over the past two decades has increased the focus on eating habits of the nation (James, 2008, p. S120). Obesity, most often caused by prolonged poor diet, is associated with an increased risk of several serious chronic illnesses, including diabetes, hypertension and hyperlipidaemia, as well as possibly being associated with increased risk of mental health issues including depression (Wyatt et al., 2006, p. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Healthy Minds: Student Diet and Health Concerns" essay for you Create order 166). In an attempt to promote better health of the population and reduce the burden of obesity and related health conditions on the NHS, the recent government white paper Healthy Lives, Healthy People (HM Government, 2010, p. 19) has identified improvements in diet and lifestyle as a priority in public health policy. The design of effective interventions for dietary behaviour change may rely on having a thorough understanding of the factors determining individual behaviour. Although there has been a great deal of research published on eating habits of adults and school children (e.g. Raulio et al., 2010, p. 987) there has been much less investigation of the university student subpopulation, particularly within the UK. This may be important given that the dietary choices of general populations vary markedly across different countries and cultures, including within the student population (Yahia et al., 2008, p. 32; Dodd et al., 2010, p. 73). This essay presents a discussion of t he current research available on the eating habits of UK undergraduate students, including recent work being undertaken at Coventry University (Arnot, 2010, online). The essay then describes a small study conducted to supplement this research, using data collected from six students at a different university, exploring the influences which underpin the decisions made by students relating to their diet. The results of this study are presented and used to derive a set of recommendations for both a localized intervention and a national plan, targeted at university students, to improve dietary behaviour. Eating Habits of University Students It is widely accepted that students leaving home to attend university are likely to experience a significant shift in their lifestyle, including their diet, and this is supported by research evidence from the UK and other European countries (Papadaki et al., 2007, p. 169). This may encompass increased alcohol intake, reduced intake of fruit and vegetables, and increased intake of processed or fatty foods, as well as impacting on overall eating patterns (Arnot, 2010, online; Dodd et al., 2010, p. 73; Spanos Hankey, 2010, p. 102). Results of a study including 80 undergraduate students from Scotland found that around a quarter of participants never consumed breakfast (Spanos Hankey, 2010, p. 102). Skipping breakfast habitually has been shown to be associated with increased risk of obesity and overweight amongst adolescents (Croezen et al., 2009, p. 405). The precise reasons for this are not entirely clear, although it could be due to increased snacking, on energy-dense, high-fat foods later in the day. This is based on the remainder of the results reported by Spanos and Hankey (2010, p. 102) which showed that three-quarters of students regularly used vending machines, snacking on chocolate bars and crisps; this was also shown to be significantly associated with body mass index (BMI). Some studies have suggested that there may be different patterns of unhealthy eating amongst male and female groups of students. For example research conducted by Dr. Ricardo Costa and Dr. Farzad Amirabdollahian at Coventry University found that male students may be at risk of what they term â€Å"disordered eating patterns†. In addition, the study also suggests that males are at greater risk of not eating five portions of fruit and vegetables per day. This research is based on a substantial sample size, using data derived from in-depth interviews with approximately 130 undergraduates, although there are plans to increase this to include nearly 400 participants. It is acknowledged by the researchers that this may represent only those events occurring at one university, although there are also plans to expand the study sample across another two universities in the future (Arnot, 2010, online). However, not all studies published support the existence of gender differences in eating behaviours. For example, research into risk factors for an unhealthy lifestyle reported by Dodd et al. (2010, p. 75) found that there were no differences in gender when measuring rates of eating five portions of fruit or vegetables per day. Factors in Dietary Change It is unsurprising that students dietary habits change when leaving home to attend university, since it has been identified that life transitions form a major factor in influencing eating habits (Lake et al., 2009, p. 1200). Studies have suggested that the dietary shift is most likely due to young adults leaving the family home and assuming responsibility for meal planning and preparation for the first time. This is supported by observations that university students who remain living at the family home may maintain a relatively healthier lifestyle than those moving out of home (Papadaki et al., 2007, p. 169). Early results from a Coventry University study also support this as a major factor, as it has been identified that cooking skills may be very limited amongst undergraduates, with the exception of mature students (Arnot, 2010, online). Early results from Coventry University suggest that there is little evidence within their sample of any significant differences in eating habit s between students from different social backgrounds (Arnot, 2010, online). Arnot (2010, online) identifies that any trends in eating habits within the undergraduate population may reflect a phase, which the individuals may grow out of naturally. Lake et al. (2009, p. 1200) also suggest that changes in eating habits may simply be due to the life transition associated with the general maturation process, moving from adolescence to adulthood. This would then suggest that eating habit changes may be consistent across all groups of young adults, not differentiated within the undergraduate population. However, it is possible that the relationship between other factors such as stress may make the situation more complex, with university students possibly experiencing higher stress levels, therefore at increased risk of weight gain associated with diet change (Serlachius et al., 2007, p. 548). Barriers and Facilitators to Healthy Eating A systematic review of studies by Shepherd et al. (2005, p. 239) found that the major barriers to healthy eating included access to healthy foods, relative prices and personal preference, for example liking fast foods. This study also identified a lack of provision of healthy school meals as a major barrier, reflecting the fact that this review focused on exploring healthy eating in secondary school children, aged 11 to 16 years. It is therefore different barriers are most important in the university student population, as this group take a greater level of responsibility for their own food choices. For example, evidence from the Coventry University study suggests that while undergraduate males were influenced by media images and were motivated to look good, this did not necessarily translate to improved healthy food choices. Instead, this appears to be associated with an increased risk of disordered eating within this group, alongside increased use of supplements such as protei n powders, creatine and amino acids. This approach also led to increased intake of protein-rich foods but very little fruit and vegetable intake. It would be anticipated that factors such as availability and cost may still be important factors in this group. The systematic review by Shepherd (2005, p. 239) suggested that support from family and friends, high levels of availability of healthy foods, an interest and desire to maintain appearance, and will-power were all major facilitators of eating healthily. Again, it is possible that different factors may be considered important within the university student population, who are older and have greater responsibility for their eating habits. Methodology The short review of the literature presented thus far in the essay demonstrates that there is still only a limited understanding of the underlying factors influencing eating habits in undergraduate students. Yet this is the information which is required if effective behavioural change interventions are to be designed and disseminated. Research Aims The aim of this small study was to investigate the decision-making processes which underlie the decisions of undergraduate students with regards to eating behaviours, including influences over these decisions. This could then be used alongside other published material to design a social marketing strategy on both a local and national level to improve healthy eating within this group. Study Sample A total of six undergraduate students from Manchester University were recruited to participate in the research. Convenience sampling was used to recruit participants to the study sample. Posters were displayed within the business school at the university, requesting participants to attend research focus groups. Eight participants contacted the researcher, but two subsequently withdrew, leaving a sample of four female and two male students. No further inclusion or exclusion criteria were applied to participants, other than that they were current undergraduate students at the university. This method of sampling may not provide a truly representative sample, therefore it may be difficult to generalize the results to the wider population of interest (Babbie, 2010, p. 192). However, this was the most appropriate recruitment approach given the limited time and budget constraints for the project. The diversity of the study sample would also suggest that there was little bias introduced. Focus Group Methods Focus groups were selected for data collection from study participants. Focus groups may be particularly useful for gaining an understanding of topics with a group behaviour element, but have also been shown to be very useful in the field of marketing for understanding the impact of marketing stimuli. They were considered to be of particular use in this instance as they allow integrated exploration of associations between lifestyle factors and reactions to marketing materials (Stewart et al., 2007, pp. 2-9). The focus group was arranged for a two-hour session on one morning, and was moderated by the author. The entire session was video recorded so as to allow for further analysis of responses and behavioural cues at a later date. All participants were given assurance that their responses would remain anonymous and confidential and permission was sought to record the session before it began. Participants were also given information at the beginning of the session as to the purpos e of the data collection, and were given opportunity to ask any questions, before being asked to provide consent for participation (Litosseliti, 2003, pp. 70-71). The focus group began with some short introductory questions to break the ice between participants (Litosseliti, 2003, p. 73), before moving on to focus on the topic of interest: eating behaviours and potential influences. The questions included in the moderator guide, which was prepared to facilitate the focus group, are included in Box 1. Box 1: Focus group questions Tell me a little about what you would eat in a typical day. Do you find that you eat regular meals? What types of foods do you most like to eat? Would you say that you eat many snacks? What type of snacks do you eat? Is there anything you can think of that affects this – for example, do you eat differently on different days of the week? How would you describe your cooking abilities – do you find it easy to plan meals and cook and prepare food? How does the way you eat now compare to how you used to eat before coming to university? Do you find that you eat differently when you go home for the weekend or for holidays? Would you say that you have any concerns about the way in which you eat? How do you think that the way in which you eat affects your health? Are you at all concerned about whether the way you eat affects how you look? What type of things affect whether you choose healthy foods over non-healthy foods? Do you find it difficult to find/purchase healthy food? Would cost have any impact on whether the food you buy is healthy? Study Results Overall, the results of the focus group suggested that the students in the sample had experienced a significant change in eating habits since leaving home to attend university. Although the daily eating patterns of participants differed significantly, all felt that they ate a less healthy diet since leaving home. The main difference noted was that regular meals were eaten less often, with several participants reporting that they skipped breakfast regularly, and that other meals were eaten based on convenience rather than at a regular time each day. Most participants agreed that their eating patterns did differ on a daily basis. In particular, weekends were noted to follow more regular eating patterns, but often involve higher levels of alcohol and unhealthy foods such as takeaways. Participants also generally agreed that they returned to a healthier way of eating when returning home for the weekend or for holidays. The actual components of diet varied widely across participan ts. While some participants reported that they regularly ate five portions of fruit and vegetables per day, others indicated that they ate only low levels. Four participants agreed that they ate convenience foods and takeaways on a regular basis, and it was acknowledged that these were usually calorie-dense, high fat foods. All participants also agreed that they ate snacks on a regular basis, particularly where it was inconvenient to eat meals at regular intervals, and where breakfast was skipped. One participant reported that they felt that their snacking was healthy, however, as they usually snacked on fruit, nuts or seeds rather than chocolate bars or crisps. Given the small sample size and selection procedures, it was difficult to determine whether differences could be attributed to characteristics of the participants, for example gender (Babbie, 2010, p. 192). There were a number of factors which influenced food choices which emerged from the focus group. The major factor appeared to be convenience. The patterns of meals which were eaten were largely driven by having the time to prepare and food, or having access to healthy foods which could be purchased and eaten within the university campus. Participants also agreed that cost played a major factor. Only two participants agreed that their low level of cooking ability had any role in how healthy their diet was. The other participants claimed that while they could cook, convenience, cost and motivation were major barriers to doing so. Food preferences were also a major factor in determining food choices, with all except one participant agreeing that they enjoyed fast food and several reporting that they preferred unhealthy foods to healthy ones. In spite of this, three participants reported that they did try to limit how often they ate fast foods, as it was acknowledged that it was bad for their health to eat them regularly. In spite of this, the food choices of participants did not appear t o be driven overall by concern over their health. Participants suggested that while they were aware of how their diet could impact on their health, other factors were more important influences. Similarly, only one participant agreed that maintaining the way that they looked played any role in influencing their dietary choices. Social Marketing Strategy Design Social marketing, first proposed as a public health tool in the 1970s, refers to the application of marketing techniques, using communication and delivery to encourage behaviour change. Such a strategy follows a sequential planning process which includes market research and analysis, segmentation, setting of objectives, and identifying appropriate strategies and tools to meet these objectives (DH, 2008, online). The literature review and focus group discussed thus far comprise the market research and analysis components of this process, with the remaining steps addressed below. Market Segmentation Market segmentation may be performed according to geographic distinctions, demographics or psychographic characteristics (Health Canada, 2004, online). Based on the limited amount of information which is available so far, it would be difficult to segment the market geographically, as it is unclear whether differences exist according to which university is attended. The demographics of undergraduate students may also be largely shared, with literature indicating that social background may hold little influence over eating habits within this subpopulation, and only limited evidence of any difference between genders (Arnot, 2010, online; Dodd et al., 2010, p. 75). Instead, it may be preferential to segment on the basis of psychographic characteristics, according to shared knowledge, attitudes and beliefs with regard to changing dietary behaviour. The â€Å"Stages of Change† model proposed by Prochaska and DiClemente may be a useful tool to guide this segmentation, in whi ch any change in behaviour is suggested to occur in six steps: precontemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, maintenance and termination (Tomlin Richardson, 2004, pp. 13-6). Those in the precontemplative stage do not see their behaviour as a problem (Tomlin Richardson, 2004, p. 14), therefore targeting this segment could be targeted with a marketing campaign to increase knowledge. Evidence from the US would appear to indicate that higher levels of knowledge regarding dietary guidelines may be associated with better dietary choices, although there is little evidence which shows direct causality (Kolodinsky et al., 2007, p. 1409). Given the many different factors which appear to contribute to unhealthy diets amongst students, simply increasing knowledge may be insufficient to generate any significant improvements. This is further supported by current healthy eating initiatives aimed at the general population, such as the 5 A Day campaign, which incorporates additional, prac tical information, rather than simply educating people on the need to eat more fresh food (NHS Choices, 2010, online). Those in the contemplative stage are aware that they need to change, but dont really want to. It would be unlikely that targeting a marketing campaign at this group would have any significant effect (Tomlin Richardson, 2004, p. 15). Once individuals reach the action stage, they are actively initiating or maintaining a change, until the initial issue is finally resolved in the termination stage (Tomlin Richardson, 2004, pp. 15-6). Instead, it would be better to target those in the preparation stage, who have made the decision to change but may be unclear about how to initiate this change. Here, improving knowledge, but also providing information on effective ways in which to change behaviour, may be the most appropriate strategy, as that adopted by the 5 A Day campaign. Strategy Objectives Based on the information generated from the focus study, along with that from other research, the main aim of the strategy should be to improve the overall diet of undergraduate students. There already exist campaigns such as the 5 A Day campaign which aim to encourage eating more fruit and vegetables (NHS Choices, 2010, online). The main issues within the undergraduate group instead appear to lie in choosing unhealthy foods, or skipping meals, due to convenience and cost. Therefore this is where the campaign should focus. The following objectives may therefore be identified: 1. Reduce the number of undergraduate students experiencing disordered eating patterns. 2. Improve knowledge and awareness within the undergraduate student population of tasty, cost-effective, convenient alternatives to takeaways and other junk foods. National Plan The national strategy would comprise of two main arms. The first would be an educational campaign, which would be targeted specifically at the segment described above, therefore focusing on providing practical information to assist healthy eating choices amongst students. This appears to have been moderately successful with the 5 A Day campaign within the general population (Capacci Mazzocchi, 2011, p. 87). Evidence from the US suggests that within the undergraduate population specifically, providing information which is directly relevant to their lifestyle may also be effective (Pires et al., 2008, p. 16). This campaign would be run through national media, as the evidence suggests that such campaigns are associated not only with increased knowledge, but also moderate levels of behaviour change (Noar, 2006, p. 21). Online and social media campaigns may also be effective based on previous case studies. For example, the Kirklees Up For It project found that running a campaign whi ch utilized Facebook alongside its own Website was a successful way of reaching a moderate audience of 18 to 24 year olds (NSMC, 2010, online). Therefore social media such as Twitter and Facebook would provide a simple means of providing weekly tips to students on how to create easy, cheap healthy meals. Tips could also be given on how to choose healthier snacks which cost less, for example by preparing them at home. By tailoring the advice to the motives of the group, which appear to be related to convenience and cost, previous research would suggest that this should be more effective in changing snacking behaviour (Adriaanse et al., 2009, p. 60). The second arm of the national campaign would involve lobbying of the government to introduce regulation on the food choices offered by university campuses, particularly where food is provided as part of an accommodation package. This is based on similar recent moves to improve school meals, which has been suggested to be an effecti ve means of improving diet, even if obesity levels have not yet seen any impact (Jaime Lock, 2009, p. 45). It is also consistent with the data collected in this study, which suggested that access to healthy foods and convenience were major barriers to healthy eating for students. Localised Intervention In addition to the national strategy, a local project aimed at providing food preparation workshops would also be piloted in Manchester. This concept is based on the observation that students mostly select unhealthy choices due to convenience and cost, and may not be aware of ways in which healthy food may also be prepared quickly and cheaply. Previous case studies have shown that these practical activities may be an effective means of reaching this target audience. For example a healthy living project called Up For It, run by Kirklees Council in association with NHS Kirklees, found on surveying young adults aged between 16 and 24 years that interventions which were fun and social were preferred to those which focus too much on health (NSMC, 2010, online). Provision of one-off sessions which provide information on where to eat healthily on campus have also shown some success within the undergraduate population in the US (Pires et al., 2008, p. 12). Based on the budget for the Up For It project, it would be anticipated that approximately  £100 000 would be required to set up and run this local section of the strategy (NSMC, 2010, online). It would be assumed that lobbying and media coverage required as part of the national strategy would be managed by the Department of Health. Conclusions It is clear that there is some truth to the assumption that undergraduate students in the UK live on a relatively unhealthy diet. While the reasons for this may be somewhat complex, convenience and cost appear to play a major role in the diet decisions which are made by this group. It is also clear that many are aware of the health impact which their diet is likely to have, although this is overridden by other factors. Targeting students who recognize the need to change their diet, by providing information on how to prepare healthier food quickly and cheaply, may help to overcome the barriers of cost and convenience, thereby improving health within this population. References Adriaanse, M.A., de Ridder, D.T.D. de Wit, J.B.F. (2009) ‘Finding the critical cue: Implementation intentions to change ones diet work best when tailored to personally relevant reasons for unhealthy eating. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35(1), 60-71. Arnot, C. (2010) ‘Male students eschew balanced diet in favour of supplements. The Guardian, 9 November 2010. Available [online] from: https://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2010/nov/09/male-students-eating-habits [Accessed 27/03/2011]. Babbie, E.R. (2010) The Practice of Social Research. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, p. 192. Capacci, S. Mazzochi, M. (2011) ‘Five-a-day, a price to pay: An evaluation of the UK program impact accounting for market forces. Journal of Health Economics, 30(1), 87-98. Croezen, S., Visscher, T.L.S., ter Bogt, N.C.W., Veling, M.L. Haveman-Nies, A. (2009) ‘Skipping breakfast, alcohol consumption and physical inactivity as risk factors for overweight and obesity in adolescent s: Results of the E-MOVO project. European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 63, 405-412. DH (2008) Social Marketing. Department of Health. Available [online] from: https://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/+/www.dh.gov.uk/en/Publichealth/Choosinghealth/DH_066342 [Accessed 28/03/2011]. Dodd, L.J., Al-Nakeeb, Y., Nevill, A. Forshaw, M.J. (2010) ‘Lifestyle risk factors of students: A cluster analytical approach. Preventative Medicine, 51(1), 73-77. Health Canada (2004) Section 2: Market Segmentation and Target Marketing. Available [online] from: https://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ahc-asc/activit/marketsoc/tools-outils/_sec2/index-eng.php [Accessed 26/03/2011]. HM Government (2010) Healthy Lives, Healthy People: Our strategy for public health in England. London: Public Health England. Available [online] from: http:[email  protected]/* */[email  protected]/* */[email  protected]/* *//documents/digitalasset/dh_122347.pdf [Accessed 26/03/2011]. Jaime, P.C. Lock, K. (2009) ‘ Do school based food and nutrition policies improve diet and reduce obesity. Preventative Medicine, 48(1), 45-53. James, W.P.T. (2008) ‘WHO recognition of the global obesity epidemic. International Journal of Obesity, 32, S120-S126. Kolodinsky, J., Harvey-Berino, J.R., Berlin, L., Johnson, R.K. Reynolds, T.W. (2007) ‘Knowledge of current dietary guidelines and food choice by college students: Better eaters have higher knowledge of dietary guidance. Journal of the American Dietetic Association, 107(8), 1409-1413. Lake, A.A., Hyland, R.M., Rugg-Gunn, A.J., Mathers, J.C. Adamson, A.J. (2009) ‘Combining social and nutritional perspectives: From adolescence to adulthood. British Food Journal, 111(11), 1200-1211. Litosseliti, L. (2003) Using Focus Groups in Research. London: Continuum, pp. 70-73. NHS Choices (2010) 5 A Day. Available [online] from: https://www.nhs.uk/livewell/5aday/pages/5adayhome.aspx/ [Accessed 26/03/2011]. Noar, S.M. (2006) ‘A 10-year re trospective of research in health mass media campaigns: Where do we go from here? Journal of Health Communication, 11(1), 21-42. NSMC (2010) Up For It. Available [online] from: https://thensmc.com/component/nsmccasestudy/?task=viewid=156 [Accessed 26/03/2011]. Papadaki, A., Hondros, G., Scott, J.A. Kapsokefalou, M. (2007) ‘Eating habits of university students living at, or away from home in Greece. Appetite, 49(1), 169-176. Pires, G.N., Pumerantz, A., Silbart, L.K. Pescatello, L.S. (2008) ‘The influence of a pilot nutrition education program on dietary knowledge among undergraduate college students. Californian Journal of Health Promotion, 6(2), 12-25. Raulio, S., Roos, E. Prattala, R. (2010) ‘School and workplace meals promote health food habits. Public Health Nutrition, 13, 987-992. Serlachius, A., Hamer, M. Wardle, J. (2007) ‘Stress and weight change in university students in the United Kingdom. Physiology Behavior, 92(4), 548-553. Shepherd, J., Harden, A., Rees, R., Brunton, G., Garcia, J., Oliver, S. Oakley, A. (2005) ‘Young people and healthy eating: A systematic review of research on barriers and facilitators. Health Education Research, 21(2), 239-257. Spanos, D. Hankey, C.R. (2010) The habitual meal and snacking patterns of university students in two countries and their use of vending machines. Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics, 23(1), 102-107. Stewart, D.W., Shamdasani, P.N. Rook, D.W. (2007) Focus Groups: Theory and Practice – 2nd Edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc., pp. 2-9. Tomlin, K.M. Richardson, H. (2004) Motivational Interviewing and Stages of Change. Center City: MN: Hazelden, pp. 14-16. Wyatt, S.B., Winters, K.P. Dubbert, P.M. (2006) ‘Overweight and obesity: Prevalence, consequences, and causes of a growing public health problem. American Journal of the Medical Sciences, 331(4), 166-174. Yahia, N., Achkar, A., Abdallah, A. Rizk, S. (2008) ‘Eating hab its and obesity among Lebanese university students. Nutrition Journal, 7, 32-36.

Wednesday, January 1, 2020

A Reaction On The Electoral College - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 4 Words: 1169 Downloads: 3 Date added: 2019/06/13 Category Politics Essay Level High school Tags: Electoral College Essay Did you like this example? The Electoral College causes frustration and rifts apart the United States because of the taxing power barrier we have in our current government. Saying that the Electoral College is an embarrassment to our form of government is an understatement. It causes the citizens views of how Americars democracy has become unbalanced in power due to the perception that the Electoral College are the primary electors of our countryrs president. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "A Reaction On The Electoral College" essay for you Create order Factors regarding this political controversy comes from the origin of unbalanced power that the Electoral College withholds. The Electoral College should be abandoned and/or should be replaced with a method that does not shy out citizens, states and other groups of the United States because it causes jurisdiction issues amongst Americars democracy and society. In the political eye, swing states are significant in votes because they are easier to sway towards your choice of political party. Political leaders main concern is getting the votes of these states, not only because of an easier grasp but because the other states like Texas and New York have continuously voted for the same political party over the last few elections. Over the past 20 years, thirty-three states have voted for the same party consistently (Hoban 2016). Studies have shown that ninety percent of the states in America have voted for their staters corresponding party since Bill Clintonrs presidential election (Hoban 2016). Swing states are considered valuable owning to the fact that they can change the dominant governmental party by advertising themselves and setting up conferences to persuade the people. To represent, Maine has not seen a Republican in the Electoral College since 1998 but Ohio has an equal amount winning times over the past 10 elections with each politic al party having a win of a total of 5 times (National Constitution Center 2016). By having these swing states, there is no guarantee that a political party has the dominant vote. To many, this possess the confusion on how these small states determine the President. Because no political party has the dominant vote, the Presidential candidates must heavily advertise their campaign in order to gain the states, thus resulting to the conclusion that swing states are given too much power during the elections. It is usual for someone to feel as if they dont matter in relationship, due to the misinterpretation or communication error that can occur. At a governmental standpoint, citizens should not feel that their votes are only for participation points and is their noble duty as a citizen. Per PEW Research Center, thirty percent of unregistered voters have not voted because they have the ideal that their vote would not impact the result of the election (Pew Research Center 2017). The Electoral College, to some unregistered voters, has more power over the millions of votes that the people have chosen in their ballots. The results in the 2016 Presidential election was a clear example that the citizens of America have voted but in return have not received the president that they voted for. In the 2016 election, the Electoral College concluded that Donald Trump was best fit to be our Chief Commanding Officer of our military and our countryrs stabilizer for forthcoming problems. This decision was not made upon many Americars citizens. Majority of the residents of the United States chose Hilary Clinton to command America. She won the popular vote by 2.8 million but still managed not to become our nationrs leader (Jalalzai 2018). To give you a bigger picture, there are approximately 325.7 million residents in the United States. From that set amount 138 million citizens voted, which might seem significant, but that number is a portion of the 58.1% that are able to vo te (Penn State University Libraries). Comparing the 138 million residents that voted to all the Electoral College electors, to many it is considered unfair. Having almost 140 million votes compared to the 270 majority votes determined by the Electoral College, is unrelative which creates this concern. It shows that the Electoral Collegers votes hold more value to our government instead of the citizens. Continuing, the Electoral College makes it a tedious task for third-party candidates and independent candidates because of the structural barriers that it proposes. Democratic and Republicans are the primitive selectives in Presidential elections unlike, third parties which many seem as irrelevant to voters. Third-party candidates dont have a chance of winning a Presidential election because of the mathematical requirement that produces the all-important number of 270 electoral votes that are needed to secure the Presidency because there are currently 538 total Electoral College votes. (Mazmanian 2016). Under law, you must have the majority vote to win but for third-party candidates, this undertaking shows signs of being impractical. If the third-party candidate was to pass this predicament, Congress would be the ones who decides the absolute vote. During the 2016 Presidential election, Donald Trump and Hilary Clinton the major candidates for their political parties, respectfully, we re the only ones who were able to get the majority vote rather than third-party candidates Jill Stein and Garry Johnson (Nefussy 2017). Claiming that the Electoral College is the only reason for their demise is not true, but it is the primary reason why third-party and independent candidates, such has Jill Stein and Garry Johnson. This portrays that the Electoral College is unfair and makes it harder for underrepresented parties to win the Presidential election. Because of how our government is structured, fixing the Electoral College could potentially take years. To this problem, there are few solutions that could change the way the Electoral Collegers power is distributed. If I were a political critic i would suggest eliminating the Electoral College all together. The purpose of the Electoral College is marginal to the 21st century. Though eliminating the Electoral College sounds like an easy task, it is nonviable. To have the Electoral College constitutionally abolished, an amendment must be ratified. According to Stanford News, the amendment must be ratified by, either the legislatures of three-fourths of the sta tes or state ratifying conventions in three-fourths of the states. (Parker 2016). If this method was in action and was granted, without disruption over other politics, abolition could be the best option that America has. Sadly, efforts to terminate the Electoral College have been denied. Per the National Archives and Records Association, over the last 2 centuries more than, 700 proposals have been introduced in Congress to reform or eliminate the Electoral College. (National Archives and Records Association). Over time, we may see the results of a successful proposal to Congress, but this solution is the only end to take away this shameful structure. To conclude, the Electoral College is an embarrassment to our society, not only because of how irrelevant it is to modern day society but the multiple issues that it concerns involving the U.S residents. The power that this outdated structural strategy should be fixed or abolished due to its excessive strength that lays it foundation on the innocent. The Electoral College must exchange its power to a replacement stabilizer in order for everything to have the same amount of power, but until then this piece of our government remains unfair.